EXCERPT: [This]
resembles the 1982 "Operation Peace for Gallilee". Then, the public and
the Knesset were told that the aim of the war was to "push the
Katyushas 40 km
away from the border".
That was a deliberate lie. For 11 months before the war, not a single
Katyusha rocket (nor a single shot) had been fired over the border.
From the beginning, the aim of the operation was to reach Beirut
and install a Quisling dictator. As I have recounted more than once,
Sharon himself told me so nine months before the war, and I duly
published it at the time, with his consent (but unattributed). ...
Everybody understands that
this campaign - both in Gaza and in Lebanon
- has been planned by the army and dictated by the army. The man who
makes the decisions in Israel now is Dan Halutz.
It is no accident that the job in Lebanon has been turned
over to the Air Force.
Uri Avnery
15.7.06
The Real Aim
THE
REAL aim is to change the regime in Lebanon and to install a
puppet government.
That
was the aim of Ariel Sharon's invasion
of Lebanon
in 1982. It failed. But Sharon and his pupils in the military and
political leadership have never really given up on it. As
in 1982, the present operation, too, was planned and is being carried
out in full coordination with the US.
As then,
there is no doubt that it is coordinated with a part of the Lebanese
elite. That's the main thing. Everything else is noise and
propaganda.
ON
THE eve of the 1982 invasion, Secretary of State Alexander Haig told
Ariel Sharon
that, before starting it, it was necessary to have a "clear
provocation", which would be accepted by the world.
The provocation indeed took place - exactly at the appropriate time -
when Abu-Nidal's terror gang tried to assassinate the Israeli
ambassador in London.
This had no connection with Lebanon, and even less
with the PLO (the enemy of Abu-Nidal), but it served its purpose.
This
time, the necessary provocation has been provided by the capture of the
two Israeli soldiers by Hizbullah. Everyone knows that they cannot be
freed except through an exchange of prisoners. But the huge military
campaign that has been ready to go for months was sold to the Israeli
and international public as a rescue operation. (Strangely
enough, the very same thing happened two weeks earlier in the Gaza
Strip. Hamas and its partners captured a soldier, which provided the
excuse for a massive operation that had been prepared for a long time
and whose aim is to destroy the Palestinian government.)
THE
DECLARED aim of the Lebanon
operation is to push Hizbullah away from the border, so as to make it
impossible for them to capture more soldiers and to launch rockets at
Israeli towns. The invasion of the Gaza
strip is also officially aimed at getting Ashkelon
and Sderot out of the range of the Qassams.
That
resembles the 1982 "Operation Peace for Gallilee". Then, the public and
the Knesset were told that the aim of the war was to "push the
Katyushas 40 km
away from the border".
That was a deliberate lie. For 11 months before the war, not a single
Katyusha rocket (nor a single shot) had been fired over the border.
From the beginning, the aim of the operation was to reach Beirut
and install a Quisling dictator. As I have recounted more than once,
Sharon himself told me so nine months before the war, and I duly
published it at the time, with his consent (but unattributed).
Of
course, the present operation also has several secondary aims, which do
not include the freeing of the prisoners. Everybody understands that
that cannot be achieved by military means. But it is probably possible
to destroy some of the thousands of missiles that Hizbullah has
accumulated over the years. For this end, the army chiefs are ready to
endanger the inhabitants of the Israeli towns that are exposed to the
rockets. They believe that that is worthwhile, like an exchange of
chess figures.
Another
secondary aim is to rehabilitate the "deterrent power" of the army.
That is a code-word for the restoration of the army's injured pride
that has suffered a severe blow from the daring military actions of
Hamas in the south and Hizbullah in the north.
OFFICIALLY,
THE Israeli government demands that the Government of Lebanon
disarm Hizbullah and remove it from the border region.
That is clearly impossible under the present Lebanese regime, a
delicate fabric of ethno-religious communities. The slightest shock can
bring the whole structure crashing down and throw the state into total
anarchy - especially after the Americans succeeded in driving out the
Syrian army, the only element that has for years provided some
stability.
The
idea of installing a Quisling in Lebanon
is nothing new. In 1955, David Ben-Gurion proposed taking a "Christian
officer" and installing him as dictator. Moshe Sharet showed that this
idea was based on complete ignorance of Lebanese affairs and torpedoed
it. But 27 years later, Ariel Sharon
tried to put it into effect nevertheless. Bashir Gemayel was indeed
installed as president, only to be murdered soon afterwards. His
brother, Amin, succeeded him and signed a peace agreement with Israel,
but was driven out of office. (The same brother is now publicly
supporting the Israeli operation.)
The
calculation now is that if the Israeli Air Force rains heavy enough
blows on the Lebanese population - paralysing the sea- and airports,
destroying the infrastructure, bombarding residential neighborhoods,
cutting the Beirut-Damascus highroad etc. - the public will get furious
with Hizbullah and pressure the Lebanese government into fulfilling Israel's
demands. Since the present government cannot even dream of doing so, a
dictatorship will be set up with Israel's support.
That
is the military logic. I have my doubts. It can be assumed that most
Lebanese will react as any other people on earth would: with fury and
hatred towards the invader. That happened in 1982, when the Shiites in
the south of Lebanon,
until then as docile as a doormat, stood up against the Israeli
occupiers and created the Hizbullah, which has become the strongest
force in the country. If the Lebanese elite now becomes tainted as
collaborators with Israel,
it will be swept off the map. (By the way, have the Qassams and
Katyushas caused the Israeli population to exert pressure on our
government to give up? Quite the contrary.)
The
American policy is full of contradictions. President Bush wants "regime
change" in the Middle East,
but the present Lebanese regime has only recently been set up under
American pressure. In the meantime, Bush has succeeded only in breaking
up Iraq
and causing a civil war (as foretold here). He may get the same in Lebanon,
if he does not stop the Israeli army in time. Moreover, a devastating
blow against Hizbullah may arouse fury not only in Iran, but also among the Shiites in Iraq,
on whose support all of Bush's plans for a pro-American regime are
built.
So
what's the answer? Not by accident, Hizbullah has carried out its
soldier-snatching raid at a time when the Palestinians are crying out
for succor. The Palestinian cause is popular all over the Arab word. By
showing that they are a friend in need, when all other Arabs are
failing dismally, Hizbullah hopes to increase its popularity. If an
Israeli-Palestinian agreement had been achieved by now, Hizbullah would
be no more than a local Lebanese phenomenon, irrelevant to our
situation.
LESS
THAN three months after its formation, the Olmert-Peretz government has
succeeded in plunging Israel into a two-front
war, whose aims are unrealistic and whose results cannot be foreseen.
If
Olmert hopes to be seen as Mister Macho-Macho, a Sharon # 2, he will be
disappointed. The same goes for the desperate attempts of Peretz to be
taken seriously as an imposing Mister Security. Everybody understands
that this campaign - both in Gaza and
in Lebanon
- has been planned by the army and dictated by the army. The man who
makes the decisions in Israel now is Dan Halutz.
It is no accident that the job in Lebanon has been turned
over to the Air Force.
The
public (in Israel) is not enthusiastic about the war. It is resigned to
it, in stoic fatalism, because it is being told that there is no
alternative. And indeed, who can be against it? Who does not want to
liberate the "kidnapped soldiers"? Who does not want to remove the
Katyushas and rehabilitate deterrence? No politician dares to criticize
the operation (except the Arab MKs, who are ignored by the Jewish
public). In the media, the generals reign supreme, and not only those
in uniform. There is almost no former general who is not being invited
by the media to comment, explain and justify, all speaking in one voice.
(As
an illustration: Israel's
most popular TV channel invited me to an interview about the war, after
hearing that I had taken part in an anti-war demonstration. I was quite
surprised. But not for long - an hour before the broadcast, an
apologetic talk-show host called and said that there had been a
terrible mistake - they really meant to invite Professor Shlomo
Avineri, a former Director General of the Foreign Office who can be
counted on to justify any act of the government, whatever it may be, in
lofty academic language.)
"Inter
arma silent Musae" - when the weapons speak, the muses fall silent. Or,
rather: when the guns roar, the brain ceases to function.
AND
JUST a small thought: when the State of Israel
was founded in the middle of a cruel war, a poster was plastered on the
walls: "All the country - a front! All the people - an army!"
58
Years have passed, and the same slogan is still as valid as it was
then. What does that say about generations of statesmen and generals?